Should religion play a role in debates that form part of public discourse?
For the well-integrated religious person, religion inherently informs all aspects of life. Telling such a person to divorce her or his religious views and values from any opinion voiced in the public square, including voting, is ludicrously impossible. Furthermore, religion appropriately informs an adherent’s worldview and behavior.
However, the price of entry into public discourse, the price of participating in life in a secular nation, is to affirm the right of people from other religious traditions, or from no religious tradition, to participate on an equal basis. In other words, secularism connotes pluralism that potentially includes diverse religious perspectives rather than a rigid intolerance of religious views.
Should organized religion play a role in debates that form part of public discourse?
Again, the answer is a resounding affirmative, but with two caveats. First, religious organizations participating in public discourse, like their individual counterparts, must affirm their acceptance of a secular society and its inherent pluralism. Second, to the extent that a religious organization accepts favorable government treatment (e.g., exemption from property tax, tax exemption for donations, etc.), that religious organization must also accept reasonable limits imposed on its political activities (e.g., speaking to policies rather than endorsing particular candidates).
Not everybody accepts that view. For example, John Locke drew what I believe is a false dichotomy between religious and public discourse in his 1689 essay, “A Letter Concerning Toleration,” the “care of men’s souls” is the responsibility of the church while to the civil magistrate belongs the care of “outward things such as money, land, houses, furniture and the like.” Conversely, the duties of the civil authorities do not preclude people of faith or religious organizations from voicing opinions about what constitutes the just distribution of resources or fair treatment of people. After all, religious concerns include the totality of life.
What of the organized religion (or even individual) that refuses to affirm the desirability of living in a secular culture?
Most expressions of Christianity, like most expressions of the world’s other major religions, emphasize the dignity and worth of all humans, regardless of whether those humans are Christians. Living in a secular society is the form of social organization most congruent with that affirmation, affirming the right of people to hold widely divergent beliefs and commitments.
Religious traditions that cannot make the same affirmation about the dignity and worth of all humans regardless of religious affiliation, with its extension to the desirability of living in a secular society, pose a conundrum. How can one affirm the right of such religions to believe as they choose while protecting the rights of others? The traditional Islamic solution of allowing other religious groups the opportunity to form independent, self-governing communities that pay tribute to the Muslim community, reflects a hubris that values Islam more than other faiths.
If the vast majority of people within a specific geographic area wish to live in a religious society, then perhaps they should have the freedom to do so, purchasing on the market (not through eminent domain) the property of any people who do not wish to live in such a society at fair market value. The United States has many examples of people who have established such communities based on their common religious beliefs within the confines of the United States, e.g., the Shakers, the Oneida community, Ocean Park (ME), Pacific Grove (CA). Occasionally, those communities exercised political power; most often, the communities have attempted to exist apart from political power. The growing number of Muslims in the United States suggests that Muslims may seek to form similar communities in future years.
Entire nations in which a majority of the people wants to live under religious rule represent more of a problem. In some respects, the Vatican state is the least problematic of these because of its small geographic size and an apparently homogeneous population that at least nominally wants to live in a Roman Catholic state. Some Muslim countries probably also represent little problem, especially countries in which the vast preponderance of residents are Muslim and which honors the traditional Islamic tenet that each person must decide what submission to God requires in terms of personal behavior.
Two categories of nations pose more significant moral problems with respect to allowing appropriate individual freedom. First, nations that seek to impose religious conformity. Second, nations that seek to impose secularism on everybody. Neither ensures appropriate respect for human dignity and worth that translates into freedom of belief and expression. (For a lucid, recent defense of the importance of religious views cf. Stanley Fish, “Are There Secular Reasons?” New York Times, February 22, 2010.)
In other words, the real clash between religion and the state occurs when either seeks to impose itself on the other. Clashes in the United States most frequently happen when this occurs on several specific issues, most notably abortion (cf. Ethical Musings, “Uncivil discourse,” March 30, 2009). Another important, ongoing cultural clash occurs over teaching evolution in the science curriculum in the public schools (cf. Ethical Musings, “A new species?” May 30, 2009). The sporadic (some would contend frequent) efforts of conservative evangelicals in the military to foist their narrow version of Christianity on others is yet another example of egregiously inappropriate religious expression. Such clashes, it seems to me, are an inevitable consequence of living in a pluralistic, secular state and therefore an indicator of a democracy’s health. The way forward is to unceasingly affirm a secular pluralism that includes the right of the religious and non-religious to participate in public discourse.